you don’t have to be racist to be concerned about immigration, but it probably helps

Last month Mark Reckless won his seat in Rochester and Strood for UKIP. He did this despite the fact that he had appeared to endorse a program of repatriation for immigrants, aligning his views on immigration closer to the BNP and EDL than the official stance of Nigel’s yellow and purple army. In the storm surrounding the Emily Thornberry tweet not even the most left-wing sections of the mainstream press made very much of this. We’re often told that the liberal media and its social justice outrage machine are trigger-happy with accusations of racism – so how did this one slip through the net?

In the past, when the loony left ruled the UK with its tyrannical iron fist, politicians who spoke out against immigration were routinely accused of meddling in the dangerous art of dog whistle politics.

The establishment (elite, in their ivory towers, obviously) had decreed that racism would have no place in politics, and the two main political parties, like UKIP today, became keener than ever to distance themselves from the racist outbursts of their own members. From then on, those who wished to see their racist opinions made into policy would no longer have a mainstream party to vote for. But we knew that the UK still had its fair share of racism, and so the assumption went that any politician who stood on an anti-immigration platform was actually trying to tap into this dark-matter voting block of disenfranchised bigots.

Of course, that’s all ancient history now.

The Government and the Opposition have done everything they can to prevent an open debate on immigration, as indeed they do over our membership of the European Union. Ukip is the only party to have made it a talking point.

Meanwhile the political class and Left Wing media stumble around for a position trying to disguise the fact they are trying to close the gate after the horse has bolted by calling everyone who wants proper debate on immigration “a racist”.

– Nigel Farage, Daily Express, 10 January 2014*

It’s not prejudiced to be concerned about immigration.

– Ed Milliband, 27 May 2014*

Just because immigration is deeply controversial, that cannot mean that we should avoid talking about it.

– David Blunkett, Daily Mail, 27 October 2014*

In the UK, 30% of people will admit to being racist (BSA). In a poll released yesterday, we saw that 46% think EU immigration into Britain is bad for the country. A further 30% think that we should limit immigration even if that means breaking EU rules (YouGov). It’s also worth remembering that British people are wrong about nearly everything, especially the actual facts about the political issues they claim to be most concerned with, the foremost being immigration.

We don’t have any hard evidence to suggest that the 16% of voters who intend to vote for UKIP in the next election are part of the 30% who admit to being racist. We can’t say for sure that these are the same 30% who would be willing to break the law in order to stop EU citizens living and working here. You can use your own judgement to decide what that Venn diagram would look like if it actually existed.

And if we’re honest, we need to admit that nearly everybody is at least a little bit racist, partly because we internalise the prejudices from our culture, and partly for the same atavistic reason some pet dogs owned by white families will bark at passing black neighbours. But we know this. We all know that the catalogue of human frailty includes tribalism. We know also that many British people are overt, unreformed racists. We can’t escape the conclusion that racism remains a significant aspect of the British psyche, but somehow, we pretend that we can’t see the connection with the immigration debate.

For the record, this is not an accusation that Nigel Farage is himself a racist – I have no evidence for that beyond rumours and hearsay. Neither am I accusing all UKIP supporters of being racists. I am accusing Farage of cynically exploiting the festering racism in this country to empower himself and his cronies, and I am accusing UKIP of being structurally racist, and likely significantly more so than the wider British society to which it belongs.

When a third of the country are willing to admit to racial prejudice, it is incredibly disingenuous to welcome the debate on immigration and not admit that racism will be a factor. Maybe it is possible to disentangle our prejudices enough to have an objective, disinterested debate, but that’s never going to happen if we’re unwilling even to admit our biases.

The effect of this pretence will be tantamount to that other, unspoken alternative: restoring the validity of racist opinion in politics and public life.

Ultimately, the beneficiaries of this conspiracy of silence are the racists who would gladly use the machinery of politics to enact their own ideals of cultural purity, and who find that after years in the wilderness, they have their interests represented in mainstream politics. The dog whistle is being heard loud and clear.

you don’t have to be racist to be concerned about immigration, but it probably helps

the return of fascism

There are many who do not know they are fascists but will find it out when the time comes.

– Ernest Hemingway

Fascist political parties exist throughout Europe. We don’t pay attention to the flag-waving Neo-Nazis and skinhead thugs because we know they have limited appeal. But there are also prominent political parties who, although they sincerely do not identify as fascists, and who would interpret that description as an unforgivable insult to themselves and their supporters, are objectively fascist in their beliefs, values and vision of society.

There are many misconceptions about fascism that muddle public discourse. A good documentary to watch is this episode of Adam Curtis’ The Living Dead. It’s about how allied forces tried to manipulate the public understanding of fascism after the second world war, beginning with the Nuremberg trials.

Largely because of this, the average European cannot give a workable definition of what fascism (unlike capitalism or communism) actually is.

In the public imagination fascism is so linked with racism, intolerance and bigotry that we tend to dismiss it as an ideology of hatred. Racism is such an obviously abhorrent, intellectually indefensible, morally repugnant philosophy that we cannot imagine it gaining wide public support in European countries, with our social liberalism and human rights laws. But although fascism tends towards racism, racism is not an intrinsic part of the fascist ideology.

Fascism is not a philosophy of hatred. If it was it could never have drawn in so many people, stirred so many imaginations, and had ordinary people so willing to fight and to die for it.

Fascism is a vision of a better society, where everything is as it should be.

Fascism elevates the nation-state to be the ultimate and highest form of social unit. A nation-state comprises of its people, with their shared culture, heritage and traditions. As well as being a place where a person lives, it gives people their identity, their self-image and their place in the world. The nation has a great mythologised history of glorious leaders and their military exploits, proud victories and brave sacrifices of its citizens. The great achievements of the nation-state reflect and prove the positive traits of its inhabitants- and vice versa.

A nation-state answers to no higher authority – it is entirely sovereign, and as such is free to exert its will, which is the will of its people. Other nation-states may be tolerated, appreciated, even befriended. Other nations may become great allies or great enemies, but ultimately we are different and separate from them, divided by the very things that make us the same – our history and ancestry.

“Nationalism is the main foundation of fascism. The fascist view of a nation is of a single organic entity which binds people together by their ancestry and is a natural unifying force of people.”

Wikipedia

Racism is, however, the logical consequence of fascism, because if the nation-state is comprised of its people, then the encroachment of outsiders can only be disruptive and harmful. They are not with us, because they hold different allegiances, have a different culture and different values. If there are problems in the country, it is likely caused by them, because our nation is great, therefore our people are great. When they succeed in our countries, they have taken something from us. When they fail in our countries, they have burdened us. If our state has provided for them, they have taken something that was meant for us.

“Racialism appears as an attempt to provide a concrete, would-be scientific basis for national unity. Cultural and linguistic differences are obvious, physical differences are more obvious, and hence more useful … The demagogic appeal of racialism is too evident for it to be abandoned by the national populists of our time; but it would be wrong to connect it automatically with the doctrines [of fascism].

Varieties of Fascism, Eugene Weber, 1964

In its final form: we are superior to them. We are somehow the best, The others are acceptable by virtue of their similarity to us. Oh, I’ve nothing against the Americans, the Canadians, the Irish. I don’t mind the Polish or the Spanish, the ones who speak English, the ones I’ve met. They’re just like us really.

Culture, like language, is a system of difference. You can’t define what a culture is until it comes into contact with another. When you meet another person who belongs to a very different culture, you discover your own culture as if for the first time, and you usually discover very little about theirs. The greater the difference, the more you become aware of the possible range of human behaviour and how your behaviour in particular is constrained and governed by what you’ve internalised from the society you belong to. And in that very act of discovery, there is always, deep down, the urge to feel – my way is better. Our way is the best.

Fascism allows you to emotionally invest yourself in your culture. It allows you to play the game that we were genetically pre-programmed to play. Our way is the best. Our people are the best, and deserve to win out in any competition. The nation is us, it represents us, as a people. With fascism, you can do all this within the framework of politics. When the fascists are in power, you are bound together in a shared experience. You can cheer your country on from the sidelines and feel your emotions rise and fall and soar with the actions of your nation on the world stage. With fascism, politics becomes almost as exciting as football.

When the public rediscovers fascism, it will not be called fascism. The meaning of that word is long forgotten in a mist of righteous anger and contempt and three quarters of a century of western propaganda. The public sees the goose-stepping, all encompassing totalitarianism of the Nazi Party and thinks it sees something entirely distinct to everyday, common-or-garden UKIP nationalism. But the logical conclusion of nationalist politics is the totalitarian state.

“The Fascist conception of the State is all-embracing; outside of it no human or spiritual values can exist, much less have value. Thus understood, Fascism is totalitarian, and the Fascist State—a synthesis and a unit inclusive of all values—interprets, develops, and potentiates the whole life of a people.”

Fascism: Doctrine and Institutions, Benito Mussolini, 1935

You may not think that such an extreme view – that our human and spiritual values only exist in our connection to the nation-state – would gain any traction with the public. But you see the nascent form of this view all the time. You have heard “there are no human rights, there are only privileges of the state”. Human Rights legislation exists directly and consequently to oppose and undermine this philosophy. Human Rights stand for the idea that our values and our rights are not handed down to us by a state, are not ‘privileges’ for ‘true citizens’, but are innate and inviolable, a moral obligation to all of humankind. Human Rights are the direct antithesis of the fascist ideology. Whenever I see right-wing opposition to Human Rights law, I sense a dark, foreboding terror over the horizon.

the return of fascism